Essential Questions for Employment: Experiences and Neighborhood Conditions

Employment Playbook: Chapter 9

Overview

Overview

When young people secure work that pays a living wage, offers benefits, builds skills and provides purpose, they gain a trajectory toward long-term stability and opportunity. Communities can make this possible by aligning workforce systems, expanding access to internships and apprenticeships, engaging employers and ensuring every young person has the support and connections they need to launch a rewarding career.

This is part 9 of StriveTogether’s Cradle-to-Career Outcomes Playbook: Employment. The playbook synthesizes research and practical guidance communities can use to improve postsecondary completion.

Young people living in neighborhoods with ample resources and access to public services like healthcare, healthy foods and financial aid tend to perform better academically.

Question 15

Question 15: Do K-12 systems make sufficient contributions to academic growth for students?

Why it matters

K–12 systems that drive real academic growth lay the foundation for students to access quality jobs and move up economically. Stronger cognitive skills are consistently linked to higher individual earnings and broader economic growth (Hanushek & Woessmann, 2008). At the student level, having a high–value-added teacher who raises achievement increases college attendance and earnings and reduces teen parenthood, demonstrating that gains in learning translate into later labor-market advantages (Chetty, Friedman & Rockoff, 2014). Adequate, sustained school resources also matter: increases in per-pupil spending boost adult wages and lower poverty, especially for children from low-income families (Jackson, Johnson & Persico, 2016). And at the community level, places with higher-quality K–12 schools show greater intergenerational mobility, underscoring education’s role in expanding opportunity (Chetty, Hendren, Kline & Saez, 2014).

Access to preschool: High-quality pre-K jump-starts children’s language, early math and social skills, leading to smoother kindergarten entry and higher achievement through the early grades (Phillips et al., 2017; Magnuson & Duncan, 2016; Ansari, 2018). In state-funded programs, children who completed pre-K arrived at kindergarten with clearly stronger vocabulary, problem-solving and print awareness than near-age peers who had not yet attended (Barnett et al., 2018). Benefits are largest for children in poverty, though middle-income children also gain most of the same short-term academic advantages — so expanding access both lifts overall achievement and advances opportunity (Ansari, 2018; Urban Institute, Boosting Upward Mobility).

Effective Public Education: Effective public education drives both near-term achievement and long-term mobility. Effective teachers raise grades, test scores and college-going (Chetty et al., 2011; Jennings et al., 2015). Facilities matter, too: poor air filtration and proximity to environmental hazards increase absences and depress learning (Vazquez-Martínez, Hansen, & Quintero, 2020). Investments that improve quality pay off — high-quality early classrooms boost adult earnings and attending well-funded public schools increases attainment, graduation, achievement and wages (Chetty et al., 2011; Jackson, Johnson, & Persico, 2016; Johnson & Jackson, 2019; Lafortune, Rothstein, & Schanzenbach, 2018). Notably, raising per-pupil spending by 10% across all 12 school years lowers the likelihood of adult poverty for children from low-income families (Jackson, Johnson, & Persico, 2016; Urban Institute, Boosting Upward Mobility).

School economic diversity: Decades of research show that a school’s socioeconomic composition powerfully predicts student outcomes. Since the Coleman Report, studies find that peer and school context — especially concentrated poverty — depresses achievement beyond individual family poverty or background (Coleman, 1966; Borman & Dowling, 2010; Mickelson, 2018). A meta-analysis confirms that school-level SES effects on achievement exceed student-level effects (Sirin, 2005) and the poverty–achievement relationship is even stronger in medium- to high-poverty schools (Goodlad & Keating, 1990). Mechanisms include less experienced or uncertified teachers, higher turnover, weaker facilities and materials and fewer advanced courses in socioeconomically segregated schools (Orfield et al., 2014; Henneberger et al., 2019; USGAO, 2018). Because racial and socioeconomic segregation are tightly linked — and Black and Latine students are disproportionately in high-poverty schools — diversifying schools is central to improving opportunity and outcomes (Rumberger & Palardy, 2005; Frankenberg, 2009; Mickelson, 2018; Reardon, 2016).

Preparation for college: College readiness spans four facets — aspirations and beliefs, academic preparation, knowledge and information and fortitude/resilience (Kurlaender, Reed, & Hurtt, 2019). It strongly predicts later outcomes, including college performance and completion (Chingos, 2018; Destin, 2018). Academic preparation — rigorous coursework, higher GPAs and strong test performance — raises the likelihood of enrollment and success; SAT/ACT and state tests predict college grades, though GPA is the stronger predictor of completion and taking more advanced math in 9th–10th grade increases high school graduation and four-year attendance even after controlling for background (Chingos, 2018; Fina, Dunbar, & Welch, 2018; Long, Conger, & Iatarola, 2012). Readiness also depends on mindsets and motivation: peer learning, role models and goal-focused counseling support persistence (Destin, 2018; Kurlaender, Reed, & Hurtt, 2019). Finally, practical know-how matters — students lacking clear information about applications and financial aid are less likely to enroll (Kless, Soland, & Santiago, 2013).


Digital access: Digital access is now essential — 93% of U.S. adults use the internet — yet large gaps persist for low-income households, people of color, rural and tribal communities and people with disabilities (Pew Research Center 2024; Atske & Perrin 2021a, 2021b; Vogels 2021a, 2021b; White House 2021; Wilson, Wallin, & Reiser 2003; Wodajo & Kimmel 2013). For students, disparities are stark: about one-third of Black, Latine and American Indian/Alaska Native children lack high-speed home internet (All4Ed 2020; Ujifusa 2020). Device access is limited too —1% have no internet-connected device and 14% have only one (often a smartphone), patterns concentrated among lower-income families and students of color (Moore, Vitale, & Stawinoga 2018). These gaps constrain instruction and deepen inequities in learning and employment; roughly 70% of teachers assign internet-dependent homework, creating a “homework gap” for students without reliable access (FCC 2009; McLaughlin 2016; Gorski & Clark 2001).

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Access to quality public pre-K

Contributing factor

Effective public K-12 education systems

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

School racial, ethnic and socioeconomic diversity

Contributing factor

College and career readiness after high school graduation

Question 16

Question 16: Do young people live in well-resourced neighborhoods?

Why it matters

Living in well-resourced neighborhoods is critical for young people’s long-term health, education and economic mobility. Research shows that access to safe, economically inclusive and environmentally healthy communities — where schools are well-funded, opportunities are integrated and trauma and crime exposure are low — predicts higher graduation rates, college attendance and adult earnings (Chetty et al., 2016; Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative). Conversely, concentrated poverty, racial segregation and environmental hazards erode stability and belonging, limit opportunity and perpetuate inequities across generations.

Community economic inclusion: Community conditions powerfully shape health, education and employment. Concentrated poverty and rising class-based segregation erode stability and belonging and are linked to higher teen pregnancy, joblessness and school dropout (Massey, Gross, & Shibuya, 1994; Mijs & Roe, 2021). By 2017, 40% of low-income children attended schools where at least 75% of students were poor; these contexts offer weaker peer norms and academic supports, depressing graduation and four-year college enrollment (Boser & Baffour, 2017; Palardy, 2013). Economic segregation widens attainment gaps for low-income students (Mayer, 2002) and creates a spatial mismatch between jobs and jobseekers that elevates unemployment in low-SES neighborhoods (Mouw, 2000). Mobility evidence shows that moving to higher-opportunity areas raises college attendance and earnings — effects that grow with each additional year of exposure — and improves adult well-being (Chetty, Hendren, & Katz, 2016; Chetty & Hendren, 2018; Ludwig et al., 2013). These patterns underscore the need for community economic inclusion strategies that reduce concentrated poverty and integrate neighborhoods and schools (Fiscella & Williams, 2004; Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Neighborhood racial diversity: Neighborhood racial segregation entrenches exclusion and blocks the cross-racial ties that build belonging and opportunity. Segregation by race and income concentrates poverty (Quillian, 2012) and reflects a legacy of discriminatory policies like redlining that produced persistent hardship and high segregation for Black communities (Massey & Denton, 1993). Compared with white households at similar incomes, Black households are more likely to live in higher-poverty, lower-education neighborhoods and to experience downward neighborhood mobility — moves from lower- to higher-poverty areas — patterns tied to racial wealth gaps (Quick & Kahlenberg, 2019). Segregation across neighborhoods, schools and networks limits Black youths’ human-capital development and depresses adult outcomes (Hardaway & McLoyd, 2009). It also aligns with stark asset disparities: white families hold about 10× the wealth of Black families and over 8× that of Latine families; Black entrepreneurs face weaker access to capital; and homes in predominantly Black neighborhoods are undervalued while predominantly white enclaves command premiums (Loh, Coes, & Buthe, 2020). Reducing neighborhood racial segregation is therefore central to economic inclusion and mobility (Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Environmental quality: Environmental quality powerfully shapes health and upward mobility. Low-income communities and people of color face disproportionate exposure to air pollution, toxic waste, extreme heat and disaster risk; nearby hazardous sites and coal impoundments correlate with higher poverty and unemployment and remediation is often deprioritized (Greenberg, 2016; Margai, 2004; Taylor, 2014). These hazards magnify disaster impacts — lower-income households suffer greater housing and income losses and hourly workers are least able to maintain earnings during crises (Fothergill & Peek, 2004; Hallegatte et al., 2020). Early-life pollution also depresses long-term outcomes: lower prenatal/early exposure predicts higher test scores and adult earnings, while higher birth-year particulates reduce low-income children’s eventual income ranks and labor-force participation (Sanders, 2012; O’Brien et al., 2018; Isen, Rossin-Slater, & Walker, 2017). Reducing environmental hazards and improving the built environment is therefore a core mobility strategy (Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Safety from Trauma: Exposure to trauma in childhood disrupts brain and social-emotional development — undermining attachment, emotion regulation, agency and self-efficacy — and is linked to lasting mental health challenges and poorer school outcomes (Romano et al., 2015; Staudt, 2001). Empirical reviews find consistent associations between maltreatment and impaired cognitive and language development and lower academic achievement (Veltman & Browne, 2001). Adolescents with early physical trauma show markedly higher rates of aggression, anxiety/depression, dissociation, delinquency, PTSD and social withdrawal — on average about twice those of non-maltreated peers — and experience more absences and suspensions (Lansford et al., 2002). In short, trauma threatens students’ learning and long-term well-being, making safety and trauma-informed supports essential to educational and life outcomes (Romano et al., 2015).

Safety from crime: Safety from crime underpins educational, psychological and economic success. Higher neighborhood crime — both perceived and actual — elevates stress, depression, anxiety, PTSD and delinquency; witnessing or experiencing violence is a strong predictor of adolescent violence (Curry, Latkin, & Davey-Rothwell, 2008; Berman et al., 1996; Kelly, 2010). Moving to lower-poverty, lower-crime areas reduces youth violent-crime arrests, with especially large overall arrest declines for young women (Kling, Ludwig, & Katz, 2005). Exposure is widespread — about 60% of children encounter violence in a year — and is linked to substance use, chronic disease and socioemotional problems that hinder school and work (Finkelhor et al., 2009; Langton & Truman, 2014). Harms are unequal: men of color face greater exposure and higher community violence is tied to behavior problems and lower achievement among Black children (Berton & Stabb, 1996; Thompson & Massat, 2005). Property and financial crimes also erode trust and stability, with U.S. costs estimated at $390 billion in 2017 (AuCoin & Beauchamp, 2004; Miller et al., 2021).

Just policing: Just policing supports economic mobility, community trust and people’s sense of agency, while punitive practices (e.g., frequent stops and stop-and-frisk) are linked to anxiety, trauma and institutional disengagement. National data show that increased police visibility and enforcement reduce public confidence — one additional arrest per officer predicts a 1.5% drop — undermining informal social order (Hauser & Kleck, 2017; Sampson, 1990). In New York City, police contact among young men is associated with trauma and anxiety and neighborhoods with more frisks and use-of-force report higher psychological distress among men (Geller et al., 2014; Sewell, Jefferson, & Lee, 2016). Prior criminal-justice contact also triggers “system avoidance,” lowering engagement with medical, financial, labor-market and educational institutions (Brayne, 2014).

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Neighborhood economic diversity

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Neighborhood juvenile arrests

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Exposure to neighborhood crime

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Neighborhood racial diversity

Contributing factor

Environmental quality

Contributing factor

Just policing

Contributing factor

Political participation and representation

Contributing factor

Community resources

Safety from trauma

Question 17

Question 17: Do young people have access to public support (i.e., health care access, nutrition programs, economic support, etc.)?

Why it matters

​Access to public support programs significantly influences college students’  ability to graduate by mitigating economic hardships and fostering stable, supportive environments conducive to learning and staying focused on early career success.

Programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) provide essential financial resources to low-income families. These supports alleviate economic stress, enabling parents to better meet their children’s basic needs and invest in their education. Studies have shown that access to cash assistance and income supports correlates with increased high school and college graduation rates, as well as higher overall educational attainment (Urban Institute).

Access to affordable housing: Access to affordable, stable housing is foundational. Residential stability supports psychological well-being and enables people to invest in relationships, community, health and education (Desmond & Gershenson 2016). Compared with other renters and homeowners, rent-burdened households face higher eviction rates, greater financial fragility and heavier reliance on safety-net programs (Pew Charitable Trusts 2018). Stability and homeownership are linked to higher student achievement and children in higher-quality neighborhoods do better educationally (Vandivere et al. 2006). Higher rent burdens correlate with poorer self-reported health and delayed medical care (Meltzer & Schwartz 2015) and with childhood obesity (Nobari et al. 2019). Falling behind on rent is associated with worse caregiver health and maternal depression, more child hospitalizations and health problems and broader material hardship (Sandel et al. 2018). Children in rent-burdened households have lower health ratings, are retained more often and exhibit more behavioral problems than peers in stable housing (Aratani et al. 2011; Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Housing stability: Housing stability matters: eviction sets off cascading harms across work, neighborhoods and health. Workers who have been evicted are 15% more likely to be laid off (Desmond 2016). Housing instability often pushes families into lower-income, higher-crime areas with fewer employment opportunities (Desmond 2016; Kull, Coley, & Lynch 2016). Homeownership reduces residential moves and frequent moves are linked to lower child cognitive and social functioning, higher maternal psychological distress and greater parenting stress (Desmond 2016). After an eviction, renters are 25% more likely to face long-term housing instability, which is associated with barriers to care and increased emergency-department use (Desmond 2016; Kushel et al. 2006). The broader toll is stark: suicides tied to evictions and foreclosures doubled from 2005 to 2010 (Desmond 2016) and — controlling for sociodemographics and prior health — people who moved for cost reasons in the previous three years were nearly 2.5 times as likely to report an anxiety attack (Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Transportation access: Transportation access underpins access to jobs, education, health care and child care — supporting economic success, autonomy and belonging. Limited or distant transit access is linked to higher unemployment; in New York City, neighborhoods with insufficient transit had a 12.6% unemployment rate versus 8.1% in transit-rich areas (Kaufman et al. 2015) and transportation barriers more broadly hinder employment (Fletcher et al. 2010). Across cities, better transit access is associated with a lower likelihood of receiving public assistance (Sanchez, Shen, & Peng 2004). Yet even where transit exists, routes and schedules may not match destinations or non-peak shifts common in entry-level work (Sanchez 1999; Sanchez 2008). A federal review found 70% of entry-level jobs are in suburbs and only 32% lie within a quarter-mile of transit (GAO 1998) and costs (e.g., commuter rail fares) can further limit use for low-income workers (Sanchez 2008). Vehicle access improves job opportunities (Andersson et al. 2018; APTA 2019); one study found strong positive employment effects from car access while transit access showed no effect (Blumenberg & Pierce 2017). Shorter commutes are also tied to long-term mobility: places with more very short commutes see better adult outcomes for children and a one–standard deviation reduction in childhood commute times is associated with a 7% increase in adult earnings (Chetty & Hendren 2018; Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative).

Access to health services: Access to health services — especially having a usual source of care — improves prevention and reduces avoidable hospital use. Children with a usual source of care have fewer unmet medical, dental and prescription needs; fewer delays or problems getting treatment; and fewer difficulties seeing specialists — even among the insured (Devoe et al. 2012). Better access is linked to lower hospitalization for ambulatory care–sensitive conditions such as asthma, hypertension, heart failure, COPD and diabetes (Bindman et al. 1995). Adults with a usual source of care receive preventive services earlier (pap smears, breast exams, mammograms), improving health and reducing stress and costs (Ettner 1996; Urban Institute, Upward Mobility Initiative). By strengthening physical health, access also bolsters people’s sense of power and autonomy.

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Access to affordable housing

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Access to transportation

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Healthcare access and health insurance coverage

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Access to technology

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Food security

Contributing factor | Key source: E-W Framework

Health insurance coverage

Contributing factor

Financial assistance

Question 18

Question 18: Do young people live in communities with local governments that are attentive to the needs of all community members and with residents who are engaged in collective decision making?

Why it matters

Young people do better in communities where local governments listen to all residents and where neighbors help shape decisions. Civic participation builds “collective efficacy,” which is linked to safer neighborhoods and stronger conditions for youth development (Sampson, Robert J. et al). When residents vote, meet and organize, officials are more responsive and public goods are delivered more equitably — core lessons from the civic voluntarism tradition (Verba, Schlozoman and Burns, 2003). Descriptive representation also matters: when elected bodies include members who share constituents’ identities, trust and engagement rise and policy attention to those communities increases (NBER). Election rules that broaden participation (e.g., aligning local with national election calendars) further improve representativeness and accountability (University of Chicago Press). Together, responsive local government and engaged residents strengthen the “power and autonomy” that undergird upward mobility for young people. 

Political participation: Political participation is a core source of individual and community power. Voters report greater empowerment, life satisfaction, well-being and self-rated health; residents of low-turnout states have higher odds of fair/poor health. (Blakely, Kennedy, & Kawachi 2001). Participation gaps persist: white eligible voters outvote Latine and Asian voters nearly 2:1 and exceed Black turnout by wide margins; Black and Latine people engage less overall, reflecting unequal resources and added structural barriers (e.g., time, information and registration costs) (Leighley 2001; Verba, Schlozman, & Brady 1995; Verba et al. 1993). Broader civic involvement — voting, petitions, meetings, donations, letters, campaigns and group membership — correlates with higher empowerment, though causality is not established (Zimmerman & Rappaport 1988). Activism is linked to higher well-being across multiple dimensions (Klar & Kasser 2009). Youth organizing amplifies political engagement: in California, 1.5- and second-generation youth activists were more likely to vote (81% vs. 60%) and protest (35% vs. 7%) than peers and youth in organizing groups encouraged their parents’ political involvement far more often (88% vs. 12%) (Terriquez & Lin 2019; Terriquez & Kwon 2014). (Urban Institute, Boosting Upward Mobility)

Descriptive representation: Descriptive representation — electing officials whose identities (e.g., race/ethnicity, gender) reflect their constituents — correlates with greater political influence, engagement and belonging among underrepresented groups. Black adults represented by Black members of Congress report higher internal efficacy: 35.2% “strongly disagree” that “people like me have no say,” versus 26.4% without a Black representative (Gleason & Stout 2014). Among Black constituents, co-ethnic congressional representation is linked to a 10-point increase in being “very interested” in campaigns, an 11.6-point increase in caring “a great deal” who wins, a 9-point increase in voting and a 2.3-point increase in top-tier community engagement; effects for Latine constituents at this level are smaller and not statistically significant (Fowler & Merolla 2012). At the state level, higher shares of Black legislators raise Black turnout — and similarly for the Latine turnout — across election types from 1996–2006 (Rocha et al. 2010). Together, these findings indicate that descriptive representation strengthens power, autonomy and civic participation. (Urban Institute, Boosting Upward Mobility).

Contributing factor

Political participation and representation

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